https://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?action=history&feed=atom&title=Understanding_Fidel_CastroUnderstanding Fidel Castro - Revision history2026-05-06T15:38:34ZRevision history for this page on the wikiMediaWiki 1.45.1https://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=889&oldid=previmported>Jacobwhite: Undo revision 790 by Jacobwhite (talk)2011-01-09T22:47:55Z<p>Undo revision 790 by <a href="/wiki/Special:Contributions/Jacobwhite" title="Special:Contributions/Jacobwhite">Jacobwhite</a> (<a href="/wiki/User_talk:Jacobwhite" title="User talk:Jacobwhite">talk</a>)</p>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Too often critics have charged Castro with being erratic and without ideology. Such assumptions lead thinkers to many understanding the most influential person in Latin American politics. To understand Fidel Castro, Americans ought to turn to his purported influence and basis of is ideology: <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jos%C3%A9_Mart%C3%AD| </del>Jose <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">Marti ]</del>.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Too often critics have charged Castro with being erratic and without ideology. Such assumptions lead thinkers to many understanding the most influential person in Latin American politics. To understand Fidel Castro, Americans ought to turn to his purported influence and basis of is ideology: Jose <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">Martí</ins>.</div></td></tr>
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</table>imported>Jacobwhitehttps://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=888&oldid=previmported>Jacobwhite at 22:46, 9 January 20112011-01-09T22:46:28Z<p></p>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Too often critics have charged Castro with being erratic and without ideology. Such assumptions lead thinkers to many understanding the most influential person in Latin American politics. To understand Fidel Castro, Americans ought to turn to his purported influence and basis of is ideology: Jose <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">Martí</del>.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Too often critics have charged Castro with being erratic and without ideology. Such assumptions lead thinkers to many understanding the most influential person in Latin American politics. To understand Fidel Castro, Americans ought to turn to his purported influence and basis of is ideology: <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jos%C3%A9_Mart%C3%AD| </ins>Jose <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">Marti ]</ins>.</div></td></tr>
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</table>imported>Jacobwhitehttps://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=887&oldid=previmported>Jacobwhite at 22:29, 9 January 20112011-01-09T22:29:14Z<p></p>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Too often critics <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">ave </del>charged Castro with being erratic and without ideology. Such assumptions lead thinkers to many understanding the most influential person in Latin American politics. To understand Fidel Castro, Americans ought to turn to his purported influence and basis of is ideology: Jose Martí.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Too often critics <ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">have </ins>charged Castro with being erratic and without ideology. Such assumptions lead thinkers to many understanding the most influential person in Latin American politics. To understand Fidel Castro, Americans ought to turn to his purported influence and basis of is ideology: Jose Martí.</div></td></tr>
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</table>imported>Jacobwhitehttps://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=886&oldid=previmported>Marcus at 17:20, 7 January 20112011-01-07T17:20:14Z<p></p>
<a href="https://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=886&oldid=885">Show changes</a>imported>Marcushttps://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=885&oldid=previmported>Marcus at 17:19, 7 January 20112011-01-07T17:19:47Z<p></p>
<a href="https://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=885&oldid=884">Show changes</a>imported>Marcushttps://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=884&oldid=previmported>Marcus at 17:14, 7 January 20112011-01-07T17:14:28Z<p></p>
<a href="https://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=884&oldid=883">Show changes</a>imported>Marcushttps://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=883&oldid=previmported>Marcus at 17:11, 7 January 20112011-01-07T17:11:42Z<p></p>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>What rhetoric scholar Donald Rice calls the “Teleological School” seems to elucidate a more important connection between Martí and Castro: both Martí and Castro desired Cuban independence most, and they would both go on to risk their lives to lead revolutionary movements fueled by their romanticized language. Rafael Rojas, also of the Teleological school, articulates a central point of connection between Martí and Fidel in an “Essay on the First Cuban Republic”: “Martí’s political literature is in good measure an argument in favor of the moral capacity of late nineteenth century Cuban society to constitute itself as a modern citizenship.” Although the debate on Martí and Fidel tends to focus on the issue of Marxism, the real connection between the two relates to their desire to protect Cuba from American colonial ambition, to maintain Cuban autonomy, and to garner popular support through the rhetorical technique of romantic transcendence. </div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>What rhetoric scholar Donald Rice calls the “Teleological School” seems to elucidate a more important connection between Martí and Castro: both Martí and Castro desired Cuban independence most, and they would both go on to risk their lives to lead revolutionary movements fueled by their romanticized language. Rafael Rojas, also of the Teleological school, articulates a central point of connection between Martí and Fidel in an “Essay on the First Cuban Republic”: “Martí’s political literature is in good measure an argument in favor of the moral capacity of late nineteenth century Cuban society to constitute itself as a modern citizenship.” Although the debate on Martí and Fidel tends to focus on the issue of Marxism, the real connection between the two relates to their desire to protect Cuba from American colonial ambition, to maintain Cuban autonomy, and to garner popular support through the rhetorical technique of romantic transcendence. </div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>North American Neo-Colonialism</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>North American Neo-Colonialism</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"> </del>Both Castro and Martí fought against the North American colonial threat, but some Traditionalist scholars argue that Martí loved the United States and viewed it favorably. If those scholars’ argument were true, Castro’s anti-Americanism would be a major contradiction to Martí’s writing. Traditionalist exile José Solis juxtaposes two statements to suggest that Martí was not anti-American when he writes, “José Martí era antimperialista, pero ¿era Martí antinorteamericano?” Yet Martí’s major works suggest that he viewed the United States as an empire, and that he only admired the idea North American freedom early on. Consequently, Solís can only cite excerpts from the beginning of Martí’s stay in the U.S. like, "un país, prendado, sí, de la libertad," because Martí stopped writing of that “libertad” when he realized the law did not apply to everyone. This assumption might also be taken by less-politically charged readers who are unaware of Martí’s extensive travels in Spain, various countries in Latin America and the United States. Given Martí’s professional and governmental experiences as a printer in Mexico, an Uruguayan ambassador to the United States, and as a Cuban delegate and Latin American correspondent in New York City, Martí had more first-hand exposure to American neo-colonial ambitions than Fidel Castro, the most formidable and influential anti-American in the years following the Cuban revolution. Martí’s most important writing criticized the United harshly and warned Latin America, made evident by titles like En Las Entrañas del Monstruo (the U.S.) and “Nuestra América”. Even though many Traditionalists demonstrate that Martí did praise the United States for some its attributes in his first year’s in New York in order to prove how Castro contradicts Martí’s writing on the North America and economy, the suspicious perceptions of colonial ambitions, like mineral exploitation, that appear in Martí’s work from Mexico early in his adult life and the socially critical journalism he produced later from the U.S. link him to Castro’s resistance to the superpower and its racist culture.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Both Castro and Martí fought against the North American colonial threat, but some Traditionalist scholars argue that Martí loved the United States and viewed it favorably. If those scholars’ argument were true, Castro’s anti-Americanism would be a major contradiction to Martí’s writing. Traditionalist exile José Solis juxtaposes two statements to suggest that Martí was not anti-American when he writes, “José Martí era antimperialista, pero ¿era Martí antinorteamericano?” Yet Martí’s major works suggest that he viewed the United States as an empire, and that he only admired the idea North American freedom early on. Consequently, Solís can only cite excerpts from the beginning of Martí’s stay in the U.S. like, "un país, prendado, sí, de la libertad," because Martí stopped writing of that “libertad” when he realized the law did not apply to everyone. This assumption might also be taken by less-politically charged readers who are unaware of Martí’s extensive travels in Spain, various countries in Latin America and the United States. Given Martí’s professional and governmental experiences as a printer in Mexico, an Uruguayan ambassador to the United States, and as a Cuban delegate and Latin American correspondent in New York City, Martí had more first-hand exposure to American neo-colonial ambitions than Fidel Castro, the most formidable and influential anti-American in the years following the Cuban revolution. Martí’s most important writing criticized the United harshly and warned Latin America, made evident by titles like En Las Entrañas del Monstruo (the U.S.) and “Nuestra América”. Even though many Traditionalists demonstrate that Martí did praise the United States for some its attributes in his first year’s in New York in order to prove how Castro contradicts Martí’s writing on the North America and economy, the suspicious perceptions of colonial ambitions, like mineral exploitation, that appear in Martí’s work from Mexico early in his adult life and the socially critical journalism he produced later from the U.S. link him to Castro’s resistance to the superpower and its racist culture.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>While living in Mexico from 1875 to 1878 Martí wrote poetry and published prose in Mexican newspapers, but much of the work from this period had been traditionally ignored by scholars because Martí declared in 1895, just before his death, that all the poetry he wrote before Ismaellios (1882) was worthless and should be ignored. None of these works should be ignored because they exist and, therefore, were at the behest of a young Fidel Castro, searching for ideological direction. The similarities between the two thinkers become apparent when readers review a period where Martí wrote for Revista Universal (Mexico) known as Bolitines de Orestes (late 1870s). Ottmar Ette summarizes the hard-to-find bulletins:</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>While living in Mexico from 1875 to 1878 Martí wrote poetry and published prose in Mexican newspapers, but much of the work from this period had been traditionally ignored by scholars because Martí declared in 1895, just before his death, that all the poetry he wrote before Ismaellios (1882) was worthless and should be ignored. None of these works should be ignored because they exist and, therefore, were at the behest of a young Fidel Castro, searching for ideological direction. The similarities between the two thinkers become apparent when readers review a period where Martí wrote for Revista Universal (Mexico) known as Bolitines de Orestes (late 1870s). Ottmar Ette summarizes the hard-to-find bulletins:</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>“[H]e paints for his readers an outline of the incipient industrial development of Mexico, mentioning the country’s woods, its mineral resources as they were beginning to be exploited (in several occasions Martí pointed to the need for Latin American countries to avoid basing future economic development on the deceptive wealth of mines, which he associated with the most characteristic component of colonial economic system)[.]” </div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>“[H]e paints for his readers an outline of the incipient industrial development of Mexico, mentioning the country’s woods, its mineral resources as they were beginning to be exploited (in several occasions Martí pointed to the need for Latin American countries to avoid basing future economic development on the deceptive wealth of mines, which he associated with the most characteristic component of colonial economic system)[.]” </div></td></tr>
</table>imported>Marcushttps://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=882&oldid=previmported>Marcus at 16:46, 7 January 20112011-01-07T16:46:01Z<p></p>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>With his successful revolution, Fidel Castro imbued discontent Latin Americans with the sense of hope he received from reading Cuban patriot José Martí. Consequently, Castro influenced a litany of similar guerilla struggles throughout Latin America from 1959 through the present day.<ref name="Wright2001" /> A more complicated relationship exists between Castro and his purported influence, José Martí. Castro’s importance to the ideological fabric of Latin America at-large implies the importance of understanding Martí. Misunderstanding Castro has led to out-of-date and ineffective policies like the U.S. trade embargo with Cuba, and Castro has been discredited in the U.S., based a highly politicized image given to us by Cuban-American exiles.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>With his successful revolution, Fidel Castro imbued discontent Latin Americans with the sense of hope he received from reading Cuban patriot José Martí. Consequently, Castro influenced a litany of similar guerilla struggles throughout Latin America from 1959 through the present day.<ref name="Wright2001"/> A more complicated relationship exists between Castro and his purported influence, José Martí. Castro’s importance to the ideological fabric of Latin America at-large implies the importance of understanding Martí. Misunderstanding Castro has led to out-of-date and ineffective policies like the U.S. trade embargo with Cuba, and Castro has been discredited in the U.S., based a highly politicized image given to us by Cuban-American exiles.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Since Castro has claimed that Martí provided him the impetus for his revolutionary insurrections, readers often assume that Mart must have been a Marxist. This view is often taken because Cuba’s shift to a Marxist-Lennist economic model contradicted the hegemonic U.S. model, shook the global geopolitical climate and it made the small island a major world player. Yet neither Martí’s own works nor the literature about him suggest that he endorsed Marx’s model of political economy, though he did not necessarily take a strong position against socialistic policies either. Martí’s ideological ambiguity on Marxism has led scholars like John M. Kirk on the (Revolutionary) left, and Carlos Ripoll on the (Traditional) right to argue Martí’s stance on Marxism. Their squabbles overlook the points of connection between Martí and Castro, which run deeper than Marxism.</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Since Castro has claimed that Martí provided him the impetus for his revolutionary insurrections, readers often assume that Mart must have been a Marxist. This view is often taken because Cuba’s shift to a Marxist-Lennist economic model contradicted the hegemonic U.S. model, shook the global geopolitical climate and it made the small island a major world player. Yet neither Martí’s own works nor the literature about him suggest that he endorsed Marx’s model of political economy, though he did not necessarily take a strong position against socialistic policies either. Martí’s ideological ambiguity on Marxism has led scholars like John M. Kirk on the (Revolutionary) left, and Carlos Ripoll on the (Traditional) right to argue Martí’s stance on Marxism. Their squabbles overlook the points of connection between Martí and Castro, which run deeper than Marxism.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>What rhetoric scholar Donald Rice calls the “Teleological School” seems to elucidate a more important connection between Martí and Castro: both Martí and Castro desired Cuban independence most, and they would both go on to risk their lives to lead revolutionary movements fueled by their romanticized language. Rafael Rojas, also of the Teleological school, articulates a central point of connection between Martí and Fidel in an “Essay on the First Cuban Republic”: “Martí’s political literature is in good measure an argument in favor of the moral capacity of late nineteenth century Cuban society to constitute itself as a modern citizenship.” Although the debate on Martí and Fidel tends to focus on the issue of Marxism, the real connection between the two relates to their desire to protect Cuba from American colonial ambition, to maintain Cuban autonomy, and to garner popular support through the rhetorical technique of romantic transcendence. </div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>What rhetoric scholar Donald Rice calls the “Teleological School” seems to elucidate a more important connection between Martí and Castro: both Martí and Castro desired Cuban independence most, and they would both go on to risk their lives to lead revolutionary movements fueled by their romanticized language. Rafael Rojas, also of the Teleological school, articulates a central point of connection between Martí and Fidel in an “Essay on the First Cuban Republic”: “Martí’s political literature is in good measure an argument in favor of the moral capacity of late nineteenth century Cuban society to constitute itself as a modern citizenship.” Although the debate on Martí and Fidel tends to focus on the issue of Marxism, the real connection between the two relates to their desire to protect Cuba from American colonial ambition, to maintain Cuban autonomy, and to garner popular support through the rhetorical technique of romantic transcendence. </div></td></tr>
</table>imported>Marcushttps://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=881&oldid=previmported>Marcus at 16:44, 7 January 20112011-01-07T16:44:28Z<p></p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #202122; text-align: center;">Revision as of 16:44, 7 January 2011</td>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>With his successful revolution, Fidel Castro imbued discontent Latin Americans with the sense of hope he received from reading Cuban patriot José Martí. Consequently, Castro influenced a litany of similar guerilla struggles throughout Latin America from 1959 through the present day. <del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"> </del>A more complicated relationship exists between Castro and his purported influence, José Martí. Castro’s importance to the ideological fabric of Latin America at-large implies the importance of understanding Martí. Misunderstanding Castro has led to out-of-date and ineffective policies like the U.S. trade embargo with Cuba, and Castro has been discredited in the U.S., based a highly politicized image given to us by Cuban-American exiles.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>With his successful revolution, Fidel Castro imbued discontent Latin Americans with the sense of hope he received from reading Cuban patriot José Martí. Consequently, Castro influenced a litany of similar guerilla struggles throughout Latin America from 1959 through the present day.<ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><ref name="Wright2001" /> </ins>A more complicated relationship exists between Castro and his purported influence, José Martí. Castro’s importance to the ideological fabric of Latin America at-large implies the importance of understanding Martí. Misunderstanding Castro has led to out-of-date and ineffective policies like the U.S. trade embargo with Cuba, and Castro has been discredited in the U.S., based a highly politicized image given to us by Cuban-American exiles.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Since Castro has claimed that Martí provided him the impetus for his revolutionary insurrections, readers often assume that Mart must have been a Marxist. This view is often taken because Cuba’s shift to a Marxist-Lennist economic model contradicted the hegemonic U.S. model, shook the global geopolitical climate and it made the small island a major world player. Yet neither Martí’s own works nor the literature about him suggest that he endorsed Marx’s model of political economy, though he did not necessarily take a strong position against socialistic policies either. Martí’s ideological ambiguity on Marxism has led scholars like John M. Kirk on the (Revolutionary) left, and Carlos Ripoll on the (Traditional) right to argue Martí’s stance on Marxism. Their squabbles overlook the points of connection between Martí and Castro, which run deeper than Marxism.</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Since Castro has claimed that Martí provided him the impetus for his revolutionary insurrections, readers often assume that Mart must have been a Marxist. This view is often taken because Cuba’s shift to a Marxist-Lennist economic model contradicted the hegemonic U.S. model, shook the global geopolitical climate and it made the small island a major world player. Yet neither Martí’s own works nor the literature about him suggest that he endorsed Marx’s model of political economy, though he did not necessarily take a strong position against socialistic policies either. Martí’s ideological ambiguity on Marxism has led scholars like John M. Kirk on the (Revolutionary) left, and Carlos Ripoll on the (Traditional) right to argue Martí’s stance on Marxism. Their squabbles overlook the points of connection between Martí and Castro, which run deeper than Marxism.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>What rhetoric scholar Donald Rice calls the “Teleological School” seems to elucidate a more important connection between Martí and Castro: both Martí and Castro desired Cuban independence most, and they would both go on to risk their lives to lead revolutionary movements fueled by their romanticized language. Rafael Rojas, also of the Teleological school, articulates a central point of connection between Martí and Fidel in an “Essay on the First Cuban Republic”: “Martí’s political literature is in good measure an argument in favor of the moral capacity of late nineteenth century Cuban society to constitute itself as a modern citizenship.” Although the debate on Martí and Fidel tends to focus on the issue of Marxism, the real connection between the two relates to their desire to protect Cuba from American colonial ambition, to maintain Cuban autonomy, and to garner popular support through the rhetorical technique of romantic transcendence. </div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>What rhetoric scholar Donald Rice calls the “Teleological School” seems to elucidate a more important connection between Martí and Castro: both Martí and Castro desired Cuban independence most, and they would both go on to risk their lives to lead revolutionary movements fueled by their romanticized language. Rafael Rojas, also of the Teleological school, articulates a central point of connection between Martí and Fidel in an “Essay on the First Cuban Republic”: “Martí’s political literature is in good measure an argument in favor of the moral capacity of late nineteenth century Cuban society to constitute itself as a modern citizenship.” Although the debate on Martí and Fidel tends to focus on the issue of Marxism, the real connection between the two relates to their desire to protect Cuba from American colonial ambition, to maintain Cuban autonomy, and to garner popular support through the rhetorical technique of romantic transcendence. </div></td></tr>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>I will edit and improve this in a few hours.</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>I will edit and improve this in a few hours.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>--[[User:Marcus|Marcus]] 15:48, 6 January 2011 (CST)</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>--[[User:Marcus|Marcus]] 15:48, 6 January 2011 (CST)</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"></ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">==Notes==</ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">{{Reflist|refs=</ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;"><ref name="Wright2001"> Thomas C. Wright, Latin America in the Era of the Cuban Revolution, (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001)ref>}}</ins></div></td></tr>
</table>imported>Marcushttps://commons.thefnf.net/index.php?title=Understanding_Fidel_Castro&diff=880&oldid=previmported>Marcus at 21:48, 6 January 20112011-01-06T21:48:46Z<p></p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #202122; text-align: center;">Revision as of 21:48, 6 January 2011</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l47">Line 47:</td>
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<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div> The broader implications of re-reading Martí to improve the reader’s understanding are limitless. Martí’s connection to Castro has been proved, and sources are emerging that connect Castro to present-day, radical, Latin American leadership. Understanding these three connected forces—Martí, Castro and the present era of anti-U.S. Latin American politics— is imperative if people from all nations of the America hope to normalize the North-South relations. The Cuban-American conflict is one of many strained relations between the United States and the Latin American republics. In ignoring an objective anthology literature, we perpetuate the strains. Yet we Latin Americans and North Americans would be better off if we maintained a healthier political relationship and more vibrant cultural exchange. Forget Marxism; understanding Martí’s creations and Castro’s applications will contribute to much required, long overdue, hemispheric reconciliation.</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div> The broader implications of re-reading Martí to improve the reader’s understanding are limitless. Martí’s connection to Castro has been proved, and sources are emerging that connect Castro to present-day, radical, Latin American leadership. Understanding these three connected forces—Martí, Castro and the present era of anti-U.S. Latin American politics— is imperative if people from all nations of the America hope to normalize the North-South relations. The Cuban-American conflict is one of many strained relations between the United States and the Latin American republics. In ignoring an objective anthology literature, we perpetuate the strains. Yet we Latin Americans and North Americans would be better off if we maintained a healthier political relationship and more vibrant cultural exchange. Forget Marxism; understanding Martí’s creations and Castro’s applications will contribute to much required, long overdue, hemispheric reconciliation.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">Iwill </del>edit and improve this in a few hours.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">I will </ins>edit and improve this in a few hours.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>--[[User:Marcus|Marcus]] 15:48, 6 January 2011 (CST)</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>--[[User:Marcus|Marcus]] 15:48, 6 January 2011 (CST)</div></td></tr>
</table>imported>Marcus